Maastrichtian dialect phonology

The phonology of the Maastrichtian dialect, especially with regards to vowels is quite extensive due to the dialect's tonal nature.

Consonants
Maastrichtian consonants[1]
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
Nasal m n (ɲ) ŋ
Plosive voiceless p t (tʃ) k (ʔ)
voiced b d ɡ
Fricative voiceless f s (ʃ) x
voiced v z (ʒ) ɣ ɦ
Liquid l ʀ
Approximant β j
  • /m, p, b/ are bilabial, whereas /f, v/ are labiodental.[1]
  • /β/ is realized as a bilabial approximant [β̞] in the onset and as labio-velar [w] in the coda.[2]
  • Voiceless plosives are unaspirated, whereas the voiced plosives are fully voiced.[2]
  • Word-initial /v/ and especially /ɣ/ can be only partially voiced [v̥, ɣ̊] but without merging with, respectively, /f/ and /x/.[2]
  • [ɲ, tʃ, ʃ, ʒ] are laminal postalveolar. Phonemically, they can be analysed as /nj, tj, sj, zj/.[2]
  • Word-initial /x/ is restricted to loanwords.[2]
  • /ʀ/ is a voiced fricative trill, either uvular [ʀ̝] or pre-uvular [ʀ̝˖]. The fricative component is particularly audible in coda, where a partial devoicing to [ʀ̝̊ ~ ʀ̝̊˖] also occurs.[2]
  • A non-phonemic glottal stop [ʔ] between a syllable-final [ə] from the following vowel.[2]
  • Final clusters of /l/ and /ʀ/ followed by /m, p, k, f, x/ and, in the case of /ʀ/ alone, /n/ are all separated by a schwa, adding an extra syllable: sjolk /ˈʃɔlk/ → [ˈʃɔlək] 'apron'.[3] The extra syllable is not shown in the orthography.
Example words for consonants
Voiceless Voiced
Sound IPA Orthography Meaning Sound IPA Orthography Meaning
[m] [ˈmiβ] miew 'gull'
[n] [ˈnœy] nui 'new'
[ɲ] [kʊˈɲɑk] cógnac 'brandy'
[ŋ] [ˈɪŋ] ing 'scary'
[p] [ˈpʀiːs] pries 'price' [b] [ˈbʀoːʀ] broor 'brother'
[t] [ˈtiːt] tied 'time' [d] [ˈdaːk] daak 'roof'
[tʃ] [ˈbɑtʃɑkəʀ] batjakker 'rascal'
[k] [ˈklɒːʀ] klaor 'ready' [ɡ] [ˈlɛɡə] lègke 'lay'
[f] [ˈfiːn] fien 'fine' [v] [ˈvaːn] vaan 'of'
[s] [ˈɑs] as 'ash' [z] [ˈziː] zie 'sea'
[ʃ] [ˈʃeɪp] sjeep 'schip' [ʒ] [ʒyβəˈleːʀ] zjuweleer 'jeweller'
[x] [ˈɔux] ouch 'also' [ɣ] [ˈɣoʊt] good 'good'
[ɦ] [ˈɦɛi] hei 'here'
[ʀ] [ˈʀoʊnt] roond 'round'
[β] [ˈβiːn] wien 'whine'
[l] [ˈlɪŋks] links 'left'
[j] [ˈjɒː] jao 'yes'

Vowels
Monophthongs of the Maastrichtian dialect, from Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999:159)
Diphthongs of the Maastrichtian dialect, from Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999:159)
Maastrichtian vowels[4]
Front Central Back
unrounded rounded
short long short long short long short long
Close i iː y yː u uː
Close-mid ɪ eː ɵ øː ə ʊ oː
Open-mid ɛ ɛː œ (œː) ɔ (ɔː)
Open æ ɶː aː ɑ ɒː
Diphthongs ɛi   œy   ɔu   (eɪ   øʏ   oʊ)
  • The vowel phonemes of Maastrichtian Limburgish can be categorized as short lax /ɪ, ɵ, ʊ, ɛ, œ, ɔ, æ, ɑ/, short tense /i, y, u/, long lax /ɛː, ɶː, ɒː/, long tense /iː, yː, uː, eː, øː, oː, aː/, diphthongal /ɛi, œy, ɔu/ and the unstressed-only /ə/.[5]
  • The long mid monophthongs [eː, øː, oː, œː, ɔː] are monophthongal when combined with Accent 2. When combined with Accent 1, they are all diphthongal: [eɪ, øʏ, oʊ, œy, ɔu]. The first three are phonological monophthongs /eː, øː, oː/, whereas the latter two are phonological diphthongs /œy, ɔu/).[6]
  • The open-mid front [ɛː] is diphthongized to [ɛi] in words with Accent 2 when it is a realization of the underlying /ɛi/. The underlying /ɛː/ does not participate in tonal distinction, and neither do /ɶː/ and /ɒː/.[7]
  • /ɛː/ has mostly merged with /eː/ under the influence of Standard Dutch. A phonemic /ɛː/ appears in French loanwords such as tête /ˈtɛːt/ 'idiot'. Most phonetic instances of [ɛː] in the dialect are monophthongized /ɛi/. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999) claim that there is a phonetic difference between the two (with the phonetic realization of /ɛː/ being more open [æː]), yet the Mestreechter Taol dictionary (written, among others, by Aarts) does not make such a distinction; instead, ⟨æː⟩ is used for the /æ/ phoneme combined with Accent 2. In this article, the difference between [ɛː] stemming from /ɛː/ and the one stemming from /ɛi/ is not transcribed.
  • The open-mid [œː, ɔː] contrast not only with the close-mid [øː, oː] (or their diphthongal counterparts, which are very narrow) but also with the open [ɶː, ɒː] in (near)-minimal pairs such as eus [ˈøʏs] 'ours' vs. struis [ˈstʀœːs˦] vs. käös [ˈkɶːs] 'choice'.[8] In the verb koume 'to come', the height difference between [ɔː] and [ɒː] is the only difference between the first and third person plural present indicative form koume [ˈkɔː˦mə] '(we/they) come' (homophonous with the infinitive) and the corresponding preterite form kaome [ˈkɒː˦mə] '(we/they) came'.[9][10][11]
  • As in other Limburgish dialects, the phonological open-mid series (the long counterparts of the /ɛ, œ, ɔ/) is the long lax series /ɛː, ɶː, ɒː/ (note than in other dialects, the latter two vowels are usually transcribed with ⟨œː⟩ and ⟨ɔː⟩. Here, ⟨ɶː⟩ and ⟨ɒː⟩ are used instead so that they are strongly distinguished from the monophthongized /œy/ and /ɔu/ in phonetic transcription). /aː/ is the sole long open vowel as far as the phonology is concerned.[12] [ɶː, ɒː] are grouped together with [aː] in the table for the sake of simplicity and phonetic accuracy ([ɛː, œː, ɔː] is the actual phonetic open-mid series).
  • /aː/ is a phonological open back vowel as it umlauts to /ɶː/, /eː/ or /æ/.[13][14]

Phonetic realization
  • Both [ɪ] and [ʊ] are close-mid [ɪ̞, ʊ̞] like [ɵ]. All of them are slightly more central than the corresponding tense vowels (though [øː] itself is strongly centralized as well, being closer to [ɵː] than [øː]); in addition, both [ɵ] and [ʊ] are more weakly rounded than [øː] and [oː].[15]
  • Among the front rounded vowels, all but [œ̝] are central, including [œy] and [øʏ]. In addition, [ɶː] is near-open: [ʉ, ʉː, ɵ, ɵː, ɞː, ɐ̹ː, ɞʉ, ɵʊ̈]. [œ] is mid front [œ̝].[16] In the rest of the article, they are transcribed with the simple symbols ⟨y, yː, øː, œː, ɶː, œy, øʏ, œ⟩, not least because they are phonologically front, as they are the umlauted versions of the corresponding back vowels ([ɔu] in the case of [œy], [oʊ] in the case of [øʏ]). [ɵ], which is phonologically front like the rest, is transcribed with ⟨ɵ⟩ following Rietveld & van Heuven (2009), who use that symbol for the corresponding Standard Dutch vowel. In this article, that symbol is used instead of ⟨ʏ⟩ (which is used by both Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999) and the Mestreechter Taol dictionary) because the canonical height of the IPA symbol ⟨ʏ⟩ is near-close (rather than close-mid, like Maastrichtian [ɵ]), which is how /y/ is pronounced in some other Limburgish dialects (such as the dialect of Hamont, where the vowel is central [ʉ̞]),[17] and, according to some sources,[18] also in Standard Dutch. ⟨ø⟩ would also not be an optimal choice as it could be mistaken for a tense vowel, a part of the short tense series /i, y, u/.
  • In the case of the [œː–ɶː] and [ɔː–ɒː] pairs, the biggest height difference is between [ɔː] and [ɒː]. The remaining [œː–ɶː] pair is more similar, so that [ɶː] could be transcribed [œ̞ː] (or [ɞ̞ː], capturing its centrality) in narrow transcription.[4]
  • [œː, ɔː] are in free variation with weakly diphthongal [œø, ɔo] (with [œø] being central [ɞɵ] like [œː]) that glide towards the close-mid [ɵ, ʊ], rather than the close [y, u]. The offsets of [œø, ɔo] are less prominent than those of [œy, ɔu]. When it is a realization of the underlying /ɛi/ (/ɛː/ is toneless), [ɛː] too can be diphthongized to [ɛe] when combined with Accent 2. When combined with Accent 1, it is always diphthongal [ɛi].[19] This variation is not shown in transcriptions in this article, and [œː, ɔː, ɛː] are consistently transcribed as monophthongs.
  • [ɛ] is mid [ɛ̝].[15]
  • [æ] is near-open near-front [æ̠], whereas /aː/ is open near-front [a̠ː].[15]
  • Among the back vowels, [u, uː, ʊ, ɔ, ɔː, ɑ] are near-back; in addition, /ɑ/ is near-open, rather than open: [u̟, u̟ː, ʊ̞, ɔ̟, ɔ̟ː, ɑ̽]. The remaining [oː] and [ɒː] are more peripheral (and [ɒː] is also near-open): [oː, ɒ̝ː].[20]
  • [ɛi, œy, ɔu] have closer ending points (similar to the short tense [i, y, u]) than in Standard Dutch.[4]
  • [eɪ, øʏ, oʊ] are narrow diphthongs, so that their offsets never reach the fully close position of [i, y, u]. Their diphthongal nature is most noticeable in the word-final position.[21]

Phonotactics
  • /ə/ occurs only in unstressed syllables.[5]
  • The short lax vowels must be followed by a coda. A number of interjections (such as jó /ˈjʊ/ 'yes?') violate this rule.[5]
  • The short tense /i, y, u/ as well as the phonological diphthongs /ɛi, œy, ɔu/ are banned before coda /ʀ/.[5]
  • Before a final /ʀ/, the short lax vowels are rare.[5]
  • No contrast between the short /ɛ, ɵ, ʊ/ and /æ, œ, ɔ/ exists before nasals, where the vowels can be identified as /æ, ɵ, ɔ/. Minimal pairs can be found before obstruents and /l/.[5]

Stress and tone
Main article: Pitch-accent language § Franconian dialects

Stress location is the same as in the Standard Dutch cognates. Main stress is regularly on the penultimate syllable. The intonational system is much like that of Standard Dutch and Standard German.[22]

As many other Limburgish dialects, the Maastrichtian dialect features a distinction between Accent 1 and Accent 2, limited to stressed syllables. The former can be analyzed as lexically toneless, whereas the latter as an underlying high tone. Phonetically, syllables with Accent 2 are considerably longer. An example of a minimal pair is /ˈspøːlə/ 'to rinse' vs. /ˈspøː˦lə/ 'to play'. The difference is not marked in the orthography, so that both of those words are spelled speule.[23]

Van Buuren (1991) claims that the difference lies only in length, and that there is no tonal contrast anywhere. However, research shows that there is a crucial difference between words like vuur /ˈvyːʀ˦/ 'fire' and those like broet /ˈbʀuːt/ 'bride', as words of the former type have the pitch features typical of Accent 2, whereas the latter do not.[24] Despite that, the Mestreechter Taol dictionary transcribes it as a length distinction, with Accent 2 being transcribed as longer than Accent 1.

The distribution of the tonal contrast is rather erratic. It occurs in the following contexts:[25]

  • A short lax vowel followed by a sonorant other than /β/ and /j/;
  • The tense vowels /eː, øː, oː, aː/, unless /j/ follows;
  • The long tense /iː, yː, uː/ followed by coda /ʀ/;
  • The diphthongs /ɛi, œu, ɔu/.

This means that neither the short tense /i, y, u/ nor the long lax /ɛː, ɶː, ɒː/ participate in the tonal contrast, being toneless by default.

Sample

The sample text is a reading of the first sentence of The North Wind and the Sun.

Phonetic transcription

[də ˈnoːʀ˦dəˌβɪnt˦ æn də ˈzɔn ɦɑdən ən ˈdʀœkə dɪsˈkɵsi ˈøː˦vəʀ də ˈvʀɒːx | ˈβeɪ vaːn ɦynən ˈtβijə də ˈstæʀ˦əkstə βɒːʀ | tun ˈʒys iːmɑnt vøːʀˈbɛː˦ kɒːm | deː nən ˈdɪkə ˈβæʀəmə ˈjɑs ˈɒːnɦɑt][26]

Orthographic version

De noordewind en de zon hadde en drökke discussie euver de vraog wee vaan hunen twieje de sterkste waor, toen zjuus iemand veurbij kaom dee nen dikke, werme jas aonhad.

References
  1. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), p. 155.
  2. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), p. 156.
  3. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), p. 157.
  4. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), pp. 158–159, 161–162.
  5. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), p. 158.
  6. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), pp. 158–159, 161–162, 165.
  7. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), pp. 158–159, 161–162, 164–165.
  8. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), pp. 161–162.
  9. "Dictionair - Mestreechter Taol". Retrieved 2 March 2022.
  10. "Rijmwäörd - Mestreechter Taol". Retrieved 2 March 2022.
  11. "Rijmwäörd - Mestreechter Taol". Retrieved 2 March 2022.
  12. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), pp. 158, 161–162.
  13. "Verkleinwoordsvörm - Mestreechter Taol". Retrieved 18 February 2022.
  14. "Klemtoen en umlaut - Mestreechter Taol". Retrieved 28 February 2022.
  15. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), p. 159.
  16. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), pp. 159, 161–162, 165.
  17. Verhoeven (2007), p. 223.
  18. The standard Dutch vowel /y/ has been described as near-close front [ʏ] by Collins & Mees (2003:132) and as near-close central [ʉ̞] by Gussenhoven (1999:76).
  19. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), pp. 159, 161–162, 164.
  20. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), pp. 159, 161.
  21. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), pp. 159, 162, 165.
  22. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), p. 160.
  23. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), p. 162.
  24. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), pp. 164–165.
  25. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), p. 161.
  26. Gussenhoven & Aarts (1999), p. 165.

Bibliography
  • Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger M. (2003) [First published 1981], The Phonetics of English and Dutch (5th ed.), Leiden: Brill Publishers, ISBN 9004103406
  • Gussenhoven, Carlos (1999), "Dutch", Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 74–77, ISBN 0-521-65236-7, retrieved 20 February 2022
  • Gussenhoven, Carlos; Aarts, Flor (1999), "The dialect of Maastricht" (PDF), Journal of the International Phonetic Association, University of Nijmegen, Centre for Language Studies, 29 (2): 155–166, doi:10.1017/S0025100300006526
  • Rietveld, Antonius C.M.; van Heuven, Vincent J. (2009) [First published 1997], Algemene Fonetiek (in Dutch) (3rd ed.), Bussum: Uitgeverij Coutinho, ISBN 978-90-469-0163-2
  • Verhoeven, Jo (2007), "The Belgian Limburg dialect of Hamont", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 37 (2): 219–225, doi:10.1017/S0025100307002940
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